Transcript below was originally reprinted from yidwithlid.blogspot.com. I made some punctuation changes, some corrections, and added some emphases, lists and blockquotes to it, based on the video. MK. Jan. 14, 2017. youtube video of Netanyahu address
PM Netanyahu's Address to the U.N. Gen'l Assembly. Oct 1, 2013. NYC
PRIME MINISTER BENJAMIN NETANYAHU: Thank you Mr. President.
I feel deeply honored, and privileged to stand here before you today, representing the citizens of the State of Israel. We are an ancient people. We date back nearly four thousand years, to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. We have journeyed through time; we've overcome the greatest of adversities. And we re-established our sovereign state, in our ancestral homeland, the land of Israel.
Now the Jewish people's odyssey through time has taught us two things: Never give up hope; always remain vigilant. Hope charts the future. Vigilance protects it.
Today our hope for the future is challenged by a nuclear-armed Iran, that seeks our destruction. But I want you to know, that wasn't always the case. Some twenty five hundred years ago, the great Persian king Cyrus ended the Babylonian exile of the Jewish people. He issued a famous edict, in which he proclaimed the right of the Jews to return to the land of Israel, and rebuild the Jewish temple in Jerusalem. That's a Persian decree. And thus began an historic friendship between the Jews and the Persians, that lasted until modern times.
But in 1979, a radical regime in Tehran tried to stamp out that friendship. As it was busy crushing the Iranian people's hope for democracy, it also led wild chants of "death to the Jews."
Now since that time, presidents of Iran have come and gone. Some presidents were considered moderates, others hard-liners. But they've all served that same unforgiving creed, that same unforgiving regime—that creed that is espoused and enforced by the real power in Iran, the dictator known as the supreme leader: first Ayatollah Khomeini, and now Ayatollah Khamenei.
President Rouhani, like the presidents who came before him, is a loyal servant of the regime. He was one of only six candidates the regime permitted to run for office. See nearly seven hundred other candidates were rejected.
So what made him acceptable? Well, Rouhani headed Iran's Supreme National Security Council from 1989 through 2003. During that time, Iran's henchmen gunned down opposition leaders in a Berlin restaurant. They murdered eighty five people at the Jewish community center in Buenos Aires. They killed nineteen American soldiers, by blowing up the Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia. Are we to believe that Rouhani, the national security adviser of Iran at the time, knew nothing about these attacks?
Of course he did, just as thirty years ago, Iran's security chiefs knew about the bombings in Beirut that killed two hundred forty one American Marines, and fifty eight French paratroopers.
Rouhani was also Iran's chief nuclear negotiator between 2003 and 2005. He masterminded the strategy which enabled Iran to advance its nuclear weapons program behind a smokescreen of diplomatic engagement, and very soothing rhetoric.
Now I know, Rouhani doesn't sound like Ahmadinejad. But when it comes to Iran's nuclear weapons program, the only difference between them is this: Ahmadinejad was a wolf in wolf's clothing. Rouhani is a wolf in sheep's clothing—a wolf who thinks he can pull the wool over the eyes of the international community.
Well like everyone else, I wish we could believe Rouhani's words. But we must focus on Iran's actions. And it's the brazen contrast, the extraordinary contradiction, between Rouhani's words, and Iran's actions, that is so startling. Rouhani stood at this very podium last week, and praised Iranian democracy – "Iranian democracy", he said. But the regime that he represents executes political dissidents by the hundreds, and jails them by the thousands.
Rouhani spoke of, quote, "the human tragedy in Syria." Yet Iran directly participates in Assad's murder and massacre of tens of thousands of innocent men, women and children in Syria. And that regime is propping up a Syrian regime that just used chemical weapons against its own people.
Rouhani condemned the, quote, "violent scourge of terrorism." Yet in the last three years alone, Iran has ordered, planned, or perpetrated terrorist attacks in twenty five cities in five continents.
Rouhani denounces, quote, "attempts to change the regional balance through proxies." Yet Iran is actively destabilizing Lebanon, Yemen, Bahrain, and many other Middle Eastern countries.
Rouhani promises, quote, "constructive engagement with other countries." Yet two years ago, Iranian agents tried to assassinate Saudi Arabia's ambassador in Washington D.C. And just three weeks ago, an Iranian agent was arrested trying to collect information for possible attacks against the American embassy in Tel Aviv. Some constructive engagement.
I wish I could be moved by Rouhani's invitation to join his wave—a world against violence and extremism. Yet, the only waves Iran has generated in the last thirty years are waves of violence and terrorism, that it has unleashed in the region, and across the world.
Ladies and gentlemen, I wish I could believe Rouhani, but I don't, because facts are stubborn things. And the facts are that Iran's savage record flatly contradicts Rouhani's soothing rhetoric.
Last Friday, Rouhani assured us that in pursuit of its nuclear program, Iran—this is a quote—"Iran has never chosen deceit and secrecy". Never chosen deceit and secrecy. Well in 2002, Iran was caught—red-handed—secretly building an underground centrifuge facility in Natanz. And then, in 2009, Iran was again caught red-handed, secretly building a huge underground nuclear facility for uranium enrichment in a mountain, near Qom.
Rouhani tells us, not to worry. He assures us that all of this is not intended for nuclear weapons. Any of you believe that? If you believe that, here's a few questions you might want to ask:
You don't build ICBMs to carry TNT thousands of miles away; you build them for one purpose: to carry nuclear warheads. And Iran is building now ICBMs, that the United States says could reach this city in three or four years.
Why would they do all this? The answer is simple. Iran is not building a peaceful nuclear program; Iran is developing nuclear weapons. Last year alone, Iran enriched three tons of uranium to three and a half percent, doubled it stockpile of twenty percent enriched uranium, and added thousands of new centrifuges, including advanced centrifuges. It also continued work on the heavy water reactor in Iraq; that's in order to have another route to the bomb, a plutonium path. And since Rouhani's election—and I stress this—this vast and feverish effort has continued unabated.
Ladies and gentlemen: underground nuclear facilities, heavy water reactors, advanced centrifuges, ICMBs. See it's not that it's hard to find evidence that Iran has a nuclear program, a nuclear weapons program; it's hard to find evidence that Iran doesn't have a nuclear weapons program.
Last year, when I spoke here at the U.N., I drew a red line. Now Iran has been very careful not to cross that line. But Iran is positioning itself to race across that line, in the future, at a time of its choosing. Iran wants to be in a position to rush forward to build nuclear bombs, before the international community can detect it, and much less prevent it.
Yet Iran faces one big problem. And that problem can be summed up in one word: sanctions. I have argued for many years, including on this podium, that the only way to peacefully prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons is to combine tough sanctions with a credible military threat. And that policy today is bearing fruit. Thanks to the efforts of many countries, many represented here, and under the leadership of the United States, tough sanctions have taken a big bite off the Iranian economy. Oil revenues have fallen. The currency has plummeted. Banks are hard-pressed to transfer money. So, as a result the regime is under intense pressure from the Iranian people to get the sanctions relieved or removed.
That's why Rouhani got elected in the first place. That's why he launched his charm offensive. He definitely wants to get the sanctions lifted; I guarantee you that. But he doesn't want to give up Iran's nuclear weapons program in return.
Now here's a strategy to achieve this. First, smile a lot! Smiling never hurts. Second, pay lip service to peace, democracy and tolerance. Third, offer meaningless concessions in exchange for lifting sanctions. And fourth—and the most important—ensure that Iran retains sufficient nuclear material, and sufficient nuclear infrastructure to race to the bomb at a time that it chooses to do so.
You know why Rouhani thinks he can get away with this? I mean this is a ruse. It's a ploy. Why does Rouhani think he can get away with it? Because, because he's gotten away with it before. Because his strategy of talking a lot, and doing little has worked for him in the past. He even brags about this. Here's what he said in his 2011 book about his time as Iran's chief nuclear negotiator, and I quote:
While we were talking to the Europeans in Tehran, we were installing equipment in Isfahan.
Now, for those of you who don't know, the Isfahan facility is an indispensable part of Iran's nuclear weapons program. That's where uranium ore called yellowcake is converted into an enrichable form. Rouhani boasted, and I quote, "By creating a calm environment"—a calm environment—"we were able to complete the work in Isfahan." He fooled the world once; now he thinks he can fool it again.
You see, Rouhani thinks he can have his yellowcake, and eat it too. And he has another reason to believe that he can get away with this. And that reason is called North Korea. Like Iran, North Korea also said its nuclear program was for peaceful purposes. Like Iran, North Korea also offered meaningless concessions and empty promises, in return for sanctions relief.
In 2005, North Korea agreed to a deal that was celebrated the world over, by many well-meaning people. Here's what the New York Times editorial had to say about it, quote:
For years now, foreign policy insiders have pointed to North Korea as the ultimate nightmare, a closed, hostile and paranoid dictatorship, with an aggressive nuclear weapons program. Very few could envision a successful outcome, and yet North Korea agreed in principle this week to dismantle its nuclear weapons program, return to the NPT, abide by the treaty's safeguards, and admit international inspectors.
And finally, [continuing NYT quote]
Diplomacy, it seems, does work after all.
Ladies and gentlemen, a year later, North Korea exploded its first nuclear weapons device.
Yet, as dangerous as a nuclear-armed North Korea is, it pales in comparison to the danger of a nuclear-armed Iran. A nuclear-armed Iran would have a choke hold on the world's main energy supplies. It would trigger nuclear proliferation throughout the Middle East, turning the most unstable part of the planet into a nuclear tinderbox. And for the first time in history, it would make the specter of nuclear terrorism a clear and present danger. A nuclear-armed Iran in the Middle East wouldn't be another North Korea. It would be another fifty North Koreas.
Now I know that some in the international community think I'm exaggerating this threat. Sure, they know that Iran's regime leads these chants, "Death to America. Death to Israel", that it pledges to wipe Israel off the map. But they think that this wild rhetoric is just bluster for domestic consumption. Have these people learned nothing from history? The last century has taught us that when a radical regime with global ambitions gets awesome power, sooner or later its appetite for aggression knows no bounds. That's the central lesson of the 20th century. And we cannot forget it. The world may have forgotten this lesson. The Jewish people have not.
Iran's fanaticism is not bluster. It's real. This fanatic regime must never be allowed to arm itself with nuclear weapons.
I know that the world is weary of war. We in Israel, we know all too well the cost of war. But history has taught us that to prevent war tomorrow, we must be firm today.
And this raises the question, can diplomacy stop this threat? Well the only diplomatic solution that would work is one that fully dismantles Iran's nuclear weapons program, and prevents it from having one in the future.
President Obama rightly said that Iran's conciliatory words must be matched by transparent, verifiable, and meaningful action. And to be meaningful, a diplomatic solution would require Iran to do four things:
These steps would put an end to Iran's nuclear weapons program, and eliminate its breakout capability.
There are those who would readily agree to leave Iran with a residual capability to enrich uranium. I advise them to pay close attention to what Rouhani said in his speech to Iran's Supreme Cultural Revolutionary Council. This was published in 2005. I quote. Here is what he said:
A county that could enrich uranium to about three and a half percent will also have the capability to enrich it to about ninety percent. Having fuel cycle capability virtually means that a country that possesses this capability is able to produce nuclear weapons.
Precisely. This is why Iran's nuclear weapons program must be fully and verifiably dismantled. And this is why the pressure on Iran must continue.
So here is what the international community must do:
My friends, the international community has Iran on the ropes. If you want to knock out Iran's nuclear weapons program peacefully, don't let up the pressure. Keep it up.
We all want to give diplomacy with Iran a chance to succeed. But when it comes to Iran, the greater the pressure, the greater the chance.
Three decades ago, President Ronald Reagan famously advised, "Trust but verify." When it comes to Iran's nuclear weapons program, here's my advice: Distrust, dismantle and verify.
Ladies and gentlemen, Israel will never acquiesce to nuclear arms in the hands of a rogue regime that repeatedly promises to wipe us off the map. Against such a threat, Israel will have no choice but to defend itself.
I want there to be no confusion on this point: Israel will not allow Iran to get nuclear weapons. If Israel is forced to stand alone, Israel will stand alone. Yet in standing alone, Israel will know that we will be defending many, many others.
The dangers of a nuclear-armed Iran, and the emergence of other threats in our region have led many of our Arab neighbors to recognize, finally recognize, that Israel is not their enemy. And this affords us the opportunity to overcome historic animosities, and build new relationships, new friendships, new hopes.
Israel welcomes engagement with the wider Arab world. We hope that our common interests and common challenges will help us forge a more peaceful future. And Israel continues to seek an historic compromise with our Palestinian neighbors—one that ends our conflict once and for all. We want peace based on security and mutual recognition, in which a demilitarized Palestinian state recognizes the Jewish State of Israel. I remain committed to achieving an historic reconciliation, and building a better future for Israelis and Palestinians alike.
Now I have no illusions about how difficult this will be to achieve. Twenty years ago, the peace process between Israel and the Palestinians began. Six Israeli prime ministers, myself included, have not succeeded at achieving peace with the Palestinians. My predecessors were prepared to make painful concessions. So am I. But so far, Palestinian leaders haven't been prepared to offer the painful concessions they must make, in order to end the conflict.
For peace to be achieved, the Palestinians must finally recognize the Jewish state, and Israel's security needs must be met.
I am prepared to make an historic compromise for genuine and enduring peace, but I will never compromise on the security of my people, and of my country, the one and only Jewish state.
Ladies and gentlemen, one cold day in the late nineteenth century, my grandfather Nathan, and his younger brother Judah were standing in a railway station in the heart of Europe. They were seen by a group of anti-Semitic hoodlums, who ran towards them waving clubs, screaming "Death to the Jews."
My grandfather shouted to his younger brother to flee, and save himself. And he then stood alone against the raging mob, to slow it down. They beat him senseless. They left him for dead. And before he passed out, covered in his own blood, he said to himself,
What a disgrace, what a disgrace. The descendants of the Maccabees lie in the mud, powerless to defend themselves.
He promised himself then that if he lived, he would take his family to the Jewish homeland, and help build a future for the Jewish people. I stand here today as Israel's prime minister, because my grandfather kept that promise.
And so many other Israelis have a similar story, a parent or a grandparent, who fled every conceivable oppression, and came to Israel to start a new life in our ancient homeland. Together we've transformed a bludgeoned Jewish people, left for dead, into a vibrant, thriving nation, defending itself with the courage of modern Maccabees, developing limitless possibilities for the future.
In our time, the Biblical prophecies are being realized. As the prophet Amos said,
They shall rebuild ruined cities and inhabit them. They shall plant vineyards, and drink their wine. They shall till gardens, and eat their fruits. And I will plant them upon their soil, never to be uprooted again.
[Here Netanyahu speaks in Hebrew, apparently the above passage from Amos.]
Ladies and gentlemen, the people of Israel have come home, never to be uprooted again. [Applause.]
[end of transcript]